Jacques thanked me for supporting the growth of... Jacques thanked me for supporting the growth of the EU and transatlantic relationsI responded that we had managed three great questions well: the growth and expansion of the EU; the expansion of NATO and the new relationship with Russia; and the problems of the Balkans
While I was meeting with Chirac and Prodi, the Middle East teams began talks at Bolling Air Force Base in Washington, Hillary received Laura Bush at the White House, and our family went house shopping in WashingtonThe people of New York had decided she wasnt leaving town after allEventually we found a lovely house that bordered Rock Creek Park in the embassy area off Massachusetts Avenue
The next day President-elect Bush came to the White House for the same meeting I had had with his father eight years earlierWe talked about the campaign, White House operations, and national securityHe was putting together an experienced team from past Republican administrations who believed that the biggest security issues were the need for national missile defense and IraqI told him that based on the last eight years, I thought his biggest security problems, in order, would be Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda; the absence of peace in the Middle East; the standoff between nuclear powers India and Pakistan, and the ties of the Pakistanis to the Taliban and al Qaeda; North Korea; and then IraqI said that my biggest disappointment was not getting bin Laden, that we still might achieve an agreement in the
chanel top Middle East, and that we had almost tied up a deal with North Korea to end its missile program, but that he probably would have to go there to close the deal
He listened to what I had to say without much comment, then changed the subject to how I did the jobMy only advice was that he should put together a good team and try to do what he thought was right for the countryThen we talked a little more politics
Bush had been a very adept politician in 2000, building a coalition with moderate rhetoric and quite conservative-specific proposalsThe first time I had seen him give his compassionate conservative speech in Iowa, I knew he had a chance to winAfter the primaries he was badly positioned way out on the right and behind in the polls, but he had walked back to the center by moderating his rhetoric, urging the Republican Congress not to balance the budget on the backs of the poor, and even supporting my position on a couple of foreign policy issuesWhen he was governor, his conservatism had been leavened by the need to work with a Democratic state legislature and by the support he had received from Democratic lieutenant governor Bob Bullock, who wielded a lot of the day-to-day power under the Texas systemNow he would govern with a conservative Republican CongressHe had to choose his own wayAfter our meeting I knew he was fully capable of getting his way, but I couldnt tell whether it would be the path he had followed as governor or the one he had taken
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December 23 was a fateful day for the Middle East peace processAfter the two sides had been negotiating again for several days at Bolling Air Force Base, my team and I became convinced that unless we narrowed the range of debate, in effect forcing the big compromises up front, there would never be an agreementArafat was afraid of being criticized by other Arab leaders; Barak was losing ground to Sharon at homeSo I brought the Palestinian and Israeli teams into the Cabinet Room and read them my parameters for proceedingThese were developed after extensive private talks with the parties separately since Camp DavidIf they accepted the parameters within four days, we would go forwardIf not, we were through
I read them slowly so that both sides could take careful notesOn territory, I recommended 94 to 96 percent of the West Bank for the Palestinians with a land swap from Israel of 1 to 3 percent, and an understanding that the land kept by Israel would include 80 percent of the settlers in blocsOn security, I said Israeli forces should withdraw over a three-year period while an international force would be gradually introduced, with the understanding that a small Israeli presence in the Jordan Valley could remain for another three years under the authority of the international forcesThe Israelis would also be able to maintain their early-warning station in the West Bank with a Palestinian liaison
chanel white purse presenceIn the event of an imminent and demonstrable threat to Israels security, there would be provision for emergency deployments in the West Bank
The new state of Palestine would be nonmilitarized, but would have a strong security force; sovereignty over its airspace, with special arrangements to meet Israeli training and operational needs; and an international force for border security and deterrence
On Jerusalem, I recommended that the Arab neighborhoods be in Palestine and the Jewish neighborhoods in Israel, and that the Palestinians should have sovereignty over the Temple Mount/Haram and the Israelis sovereignty over the Western Wall and the holy space of which it is a part, with no excavation around the wall or under the Mount, at least without mutual consent
On refugees, I said that the new state of Palestine should be the homeland for refugees displaced in the 1948 war and afterward, without ruling out the possibility that Israel would accept some of the refugees according to its own laws and sovereign decisions, giving priority to the refugee populations in LebanonI recommended an international effort to compensate refugees and assist them in finding houses in the new state of Palestine, in the land-swap areas to be transferred to Palestine, in their current host countries, in other willing nations, or in IsraelBoth parties should agree that this solution would satisfy UN Security Council Resolution 194
Finally, the agreement had to
chanel 2.55 clearly mark the end of the conflict and put an end to all violenceI suggested a new UN Security Council resolution saying that this agreement, along with the final release of Palestinian prisoners, would fulfill the requirements of resolutions, 242 and 338
I said these parameters were nonnegotiable and were the best I could do, and I wanted the parties to negotiate a final status agreement within themAfter I left, Dennis Ross and other members of our team stayed behind to clarify any misunderstanding, but they refused to hear complaintsI knew the plan was tough for both parties, but it was timepast timeto put up or shut upThe Palestinians would give up the absolute right of return; they had always known they would have to, but they never wanted to admit itThe Israelis would give up East Jerusalem and parts of the Old City, but their religious and cultural sites would be preserved; it had been evident for some time that for peace to come, they would have to do thatThe Israelis would also give up a little more of the West Bank and probably a larger land swap than Baraks last best offer, but they would keep enough to hold at least 80 percent of the settlersAnd they would get a formal end to the conflictIt was a hard deal, but if they wanted peace, I thought it was fair to both sides
Arafat immediately began to equivocate, asking for clarificationsBut the parameters were clear; either he would negotiate within them or notAs always, he was playing for more
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